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    Invitamos a la exposición "Lo nuevo es lo olvidado" en la Liliput Galería Experimental de Puebla, con dibujos, libretas originales, impresiones digitales y documentos íntimos. Ha abierto el 11 de noviembre de 2016 por dos semanas.



    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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    La noche del 24 de noviembre en la Galería Experimental Liliput de Puebla hicimos la clausura de mi exposición “Lo nuevo es lo olvidado” con la presentación en vivo del happy happening “Acción Mutante”, con la participación musical de Iván Macuil y el artista de Chicago “Alien Architect”.


    “Acción Mutante” consiste en la confluencia entre música y dibujo. A partir de un software que detectó blobs y siluetas en mis dibujos, los monos cambiantes de un pizarroncito de plumones se convirtieron en goteantes notas aleatorias, vivaces cajas de música sobre una cama de sonidos tecno. 

    Iván Macuil nos ha sorprendido con una radical propuesta artística con ecos de los pianos mecánicos de Conlon Nancarrow, aderezados con la exacta confluencia del artista norteamericano Alien Architect/ Asher Cohen, quien redondeó la propuesta con su hiphopera intervención en un palomazo que nos dejó sorprendidos y felices, con un público que estaba integrado por amigos y periodistas culturales, pero también por los pequeños André, Cami, Santi y mis hijas Laia y Erin.

    Acción mutante es la cereza en el pastel de mi escapada del territorio de internet para pasear los dibujos, el mural, las libretas con años de trazos, personajes, colores virtuales, crayolas de mi hija, impresiones digitales y documentos con chistes y contenidos privados, ahora, hasta ayer, visitándonos en las paredes de la vida real. Iván Macuil me confió que del rock aprendió a identificar a quienes “tienen el rock”.
     Yo, que no toco ni tocaré música alguna, ahora resulta que “tengo” el rock.











    Luis Ricardo

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  • 01/04/17--11:59: The Chaperone 3D

  • Great animation!


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    I was on my way to my work when I saw this truck that carries gas tanks around and one of the workers was sitting quite dangerously on the fence in the back. "It's a good photo", I thought.

    El gas. Luis Ricardo, foto digital.
    Luis Ricardo Ramos

    Dance til you trance Luis Ricardo. #luisricardo #dance #gif #art #animation photo dance-trance-luisricardo_zps1eesumux.gif

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  • 02/24/17--00:08: Todo yo: Ave María
  • Luis Ricardo en LadoB

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    Luis Ricardo Ramosluis ricardo


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  • 03/14/17--00:23: Ready, set... Luis Ricardo
  • Luis Ricardo Ramos

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  • 03/17/17--00:31: Juanito enamorado
  • "lado b" "todo yo" "humor" "lagartona"
    http://ladobe.com.mx/2017/03/todo-yo-juanito-enamorado/
    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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    Todo yo- Lado B
    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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    "Soy una taza, ¡un cucharón!
    Soy un martillo, cazuela-mole, ¡en Nueva York!

    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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    Estoy en un grupo de trabajo artístico coordinado por Jesús Escabernal. El profe citó a Kandinsky, quien habría dicho que en el trabajo de composición daba lo mismo hacer figuras abstractas que figuras reconocibles. Se me ocurrió entonces hacer lo mismo con el collage. De con recortes de revista, fijándome más en los volúmenes, en el ritmo y la composición, que en su contenido. Aquí un primer ejercicio que he escaneado.
    La idea es tener un collage donde convivan recortes con dibujos. ¡Además los recortes pueden tapar imperfecciones!


    Luis Ricardo Ramos


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    Decidí participar en la 10a edición de Adopta y Adapta en Capilla del Arte UDLAP porque llevaba yo nueve ediciones proponiéndome hacerlo y no haciéndolo del todo. Alonso Fragua es mi amigo y su proyecto me parece muy bueno, estoy de acuerdo al cien con esta idea: el arte no sale de la nada, se da un montón de recreación, adaptación, remix, etc.  Para quien quiera visitar todos los trabajos resultantes en esta 10a convocatoria, click aquí.

    Entonces, una vez que la teoría está lista, lo que sigue es actuar. Vi la convocatoria y me decidí por una obra gigantesca y pesada de Germán Venegas:

    "Compasión" de Germán Venegas
    Vaya ironías en internet, decidí reinterpretar la obra gigante con un collage pequeñitito, que en la web se ve muchísimo más grande que el inmenso original de Venegas:

    "Compasiones (no hay vuelta atrás)". Luis Ricardo.
    "Compasiones (no hay vuelta atrás)" de Luis Ricardo

    Debo decir que el resultado en internet es mucho mejor que en la realidad. Digitalmente uno puede ver bastante bien el collage, pero no en vivo. En fin, contiene una Virgen de Guadalupe coronada con una estrella idéntica a la de la Estatua de la Libertad, un hombre de cuatro ojos, que simbolizaría la salida de la religión y muchos personajes sufrientes y en llamas, los creyentes. Salud por los ateos.

    ¿Qué queda por delante?
    Pensar en un formato más de público que de autor. No de mesa de trabajo o escritorio y sí de sala.
    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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  • 05/03/17--13:50: Trabajando con pasteles
  • En Casa de Estudios Artísticos, trabajé bajo la guía de Jesús Escabernal un poco de pastel, mancha tonal, color. Sobre una "mancha pretexto" que inició Jesús en el Centro, de color violeta, añadió una amarilla junto. La hemos ido creciendo hacia todos lados, aportando colores entorno suyo, descubriendo formas y nivelando el conjunto, de modo que no desarmonice. Luego definiendo algunos rasgos, como el rostro, pero dejando indefinidos los otros, como los lilas de la cabeza y entre las piernas, el morado de la derecha y eso que ha quedado junto a la cabeza, que es una enigmática mancha que podría ser una cabeza de águila, o algo así. Lo interesante es que no importa. Mientras el conjunto se sostenga, mientras los ojos vayan y vuelvan en el espacio, está perfecto, podemos decir que "veíamos que resistía" y agregamos y agregamos...
    El resultado es esto:

    "Pastel exercise ()". Luis Ricardo. Pastel sobre papel. Thanks Escabernal. My art teacher is la hostia.

    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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    Speaking of which, "Composición" and "Composición 2". Collages done aprés the fantastic time discussing art with Jesús. Jesús is a good artist from Acapulco, and is "loco" for Kandinsky.
    The matter of our research is... rythm and color. You guessed right.

    luis ricardo arte
    Composición 1

    Luis Ricardo arte
    Composición 2
    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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  • 05/29/17--20:37: Berllin 14999
  • Collage para la exposición de la Alianza Francesa de Puebla, que será mi segunda individual.



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    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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  • 06/16/17--08:09: Pintores rupestres
  •  carton, Humor en Lado B, todo yo, luis ricardo, pintores rupestres, pinturas rupestres
    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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  • 06/27/17--12:10: De mis libretas
  • Love is you, you and me. Luis-Ricardo. #art #kunst #girl #creativecommons #illustration #smile

    Luis Ricardo Ramos


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  • 07/10/17--12:45: Garrick (cartón)


  • En Lado B.
    Luis Ricardo
       Luis Ricardo.
     

    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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    "Efímero", cartón en Lado B.



    http://ladobe.com.mx/2017/07/efimero/
    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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    Luis Ricardo, monos en El Restaurantero Anarquista

    Cómo se cuenta un chiste

    La verdad es que soy malo para contar chistes. El título de esta exposición es una trampa, yo soy la última persona que se debería consultar sobre el tema, porque nunca he contado un chiste. Si alguna vez me veo en la necesidad de contar uno, sería el siguiente: “Como decimos los maestros, nadie es prefecto”.

    Soy monero desde hace muchos años. En esos años 90 vi un cartón de Jis en el que le preguntan a un niño ¿Qué hace tu papá? Y él responde “Es monero”. La maestra piensa “pobre niño”. Así es este negocio, un poco inútil. ¿Recuerdan lo que decía Abel Quezada sobre los dibujantes, no? Que somos hombres verdes y que nunca nos faltará trabajo porque somos raros. Yo siempre he tenido mis dudas, dentro de mí sé que es muy fácil dibujar y contar chistes, un poco como Jis, tengo la impresión de que cualquiera puede hacer esto, como cualquiera hace memes y cualquiera puede pedir que le hagan cosquillas y, si todos lo hicieran, se acabaría con la industria del humor en un solo día.

    En esta exposición “Cómo se cuenta un chiste” presento una selección de 17 cartones de humor que abarcan mi trabajo desde 2004. Mi obra es chiquita y la selección es tan laxa que sólo he dejado fuera unos cinco o seis, incluído el chiste de la mujer que se anda comiendo el jefe, por considerarlo ofensivo. Algo ha cambiado en mí después de tener dos hijas.


    En Inglaterra conocí el trabajo de Calman, que dibujó a un hombrecillo solitario que pedía desde una jaulita… amor. Rius me presentó a Saul Steinberg, que hacía monitos que se dibujaban a ellos mismos. Mi corazón palpitó a toda velocidad con Hitchcock y su borrachito que en alta mar era el único que se mantenía firme y derecho. Últimamente me volvió loco Iturrusgarai con su Jesús Hipster, que regresó al tercer día sólo para cargar su Iphone.

    Los moneros trabajamos con clichés, el náufrago, el fakir, el jefe gruñón, la esposa furiosa armada con un rodillo. Lograr darle un giro a los temas muy vistos es un reto que nos gusta. También jugar con la sorpresa, la expectativa y el escándalo. Sarah Silverman comenzó un chiste diciendo: “El otro día tenía unas inmensas ganas de abortar”. Y acotó de modo genial --En realidad era sed.
    Ahora les diré cómo trabajo yo.

    Dalí dijo “lo único que se le debe pedir a una escultura es que no se mueva”. De una manera análoga me pregunto ¿Qué no puede hacer la estatua de la libertad? ¿Qué más podría pedir alguien que está acariciando las nalgas de una mujer? ¿Qué es lo que menos le preocupa a un náufrago? ¿Qué podría hacer alguien al que no le queda ningún uniforme? ¿Qué otro plato se come frío (además de la venganza)? ¿En qué piensan las divinidades?

    Luis Ricardo
    "Cómo se cuenta un chiste" está desde el 5 de agosto en "El Restaurantero Anarquista", 16 de septiembre 1509, El Carmen, Puebla. Abre desde el mediodía hasta la noche.




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    Este cómic de Emma Clit apareció acá y llega a nosotros gracias a la traducción de Lilián.








































    Luis Ricardo Ramos

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    En Puebla acontece una hipervisibilización de obras pictóricas realizadas por artistas líricos, autodidactas que se presumen formados en el margen artístico adquiriendo el conocimiento formal de representación en talleres sin escrúpulos que engañan las mentes débiles subyugadas por la apariencia fatua del falso hiperrealismo y la venta de las obras pictóricas persiguiendo el protagonismo de autor. Realmente, la mayoría de toda esa abundante producción es bazofia que sólo satisface y consuela al autor, los amigos y esos coleccionistas sin educación visual que hace pasar el evento expositivo en la revista ROSTROS, medios televisivos y radiofónicos o internet como un acontecimiento relevante.

    Foto: Ramón Almela
    Y mientras, otras exposiciones de artistas comprometidos y de contribución sustancial pasan desapercibidas. En este caso, Luis Ricardo Ramos, exponiendo bajo el título “B, por debajo del agua” en la galería de la Alianza Francesa Puebla (2 Sur 4920) nos adentra a un mundo de un imaginario simbólico y espontaneidad gráfica entre dibujos y pintura de collage que se eleva sobre el estúpido magma inerme de tanta presunción poblana rica, y de muchas otras creaciones intelectualoides.

    Luis Ricardo, quien surge recientemente mostrando sus imágenes entre espacios alternativos, proviene del ámbito cinematográfico y especializado con maestría en Educación Superior. Su producción y condiciones lo sitúan al margen de la figura del artista pintor convencional y, sin embargo, en su producción se condensan todos los aspectos de creatividad, significación, composición y valores plásticos que se encuentran a menudo ausentes en las obras de los artistas del espacio poblano.

    Con las imágenes de Luis Ricardo, el espectador se adentra en el ámbito creativo e intenso del artista que despliega su afán volcado en los entresijos de los densos y abigarrados, atosigantes signos reconocibles y trazos que vibran con su caligráfico desenfado cautivando la mirada. Luis Ricardo, con su exaltada y delirante actividad de dibujo fustiga con alevosía y premeditación los parámetros de la acción creativa. A través de los dibujos en sus libretas y de sus piezas enmarcadas se aprecia una intensidad apasionada en el dibujo sin cortapisas: es la psique desinhibida que brota fructífera entre iconos y trazos que incitan la mirada.

    La obra de Luis Ricardo no emerge con orientación comercial; emerge desde una vocación y necesidad vital, una operación sensata y consciente liberando dispositivos críticos, humorísticos y de nivelación emocional a través de las imágenes que llenan los rincones de su mente: una obra que se afirma con una contundencia de validez indiscutible en el panorama creativo poblano.
























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    WEEKEND ESSAY
    Catalan independence: arrogance of Madrid explains this chaos


    Three centuries of Catalan grievances came to a head this week, but the intransigence of Spain’s government is ultimately to blame for the crisis


    John Carlin


    October 7 2017, 12:01am, The Times



    Opponents of Catalonia’s independence referendum displayed their allegiance to Spain in Barcelona last SundayTIMES PHOTOGRAPHER JAMES GLOSSOP


    Shortly before the King of Spain addressed the nation this week, some of his more rational-minded subjects hoped that maybe, just maybe, he might rise above the petty-mindedness of the Madrid political establishment. He could, they thought, offer a generous vision of how to resolve the crisis caused by the escalating clamour for Catalan independence. No such luck. By the end of his six-minute speech Felipe VI had only made things worse.


    Stiff in his bearing, coldly commanding in his tone, he did not build bridges, he dug trenches. He did not lament the police violence during last Sunday’s simulacrum of a referendum in Catalonia, so damaging to his country’s global image; he denounced the “irresponsibility” and “scorn” of the elected Catalan government and threatened more violence. It was the “responsibility of the legitimate state powers”, the king warned, “to ensure constitutional order”, code for if the Catalan government makes good on its promise to declare unilateral independence, we’ll send in the tanks.


    Speaking on behalf not of the nation but of central government, he did as prime minister Mariano Rajoy has done these last five years: he abdicated responsibility and, oblivious to what he was doing, abdicated his sovereign hold on the hearts of Catalonia’s increasingly embittered 7.5 million people, 80 per cent of whom are in favour of the right to vote on independence.


    Before Sunday several polls indicated that the secessionist vote in Catalonia stood at between 40 and 50 per cent. There can be no question that those numbers have since risen. As a British friend who knows Spanish politics well remarked, minutes after the king’s speech, “that’s another ten points for the independentistas”. Yes. To add to the ten or more they added after the police clubbings of last Sunday.


    I have a more than academic interest in this unfolding slow-motion disaster. My mother is Spanish, from Madrid. I lived 15 years in Catalonia until I moved to London four years ago, but I have always meant to return and applied for a Spanish passport after the Brexit referendum. I love Spain and so am against Catalan independence but I have never loved Spanish politics, especially the authoritarian strain represented by the people in power today and shared by much of the Madrid establishment. I have never forgotten a conversation I had 15 years ago with a man who remains a pillar of that establishment. “I can’t stand the Catalans,” he exclaimed. “They always want to make a deal. They’ve got no principles, for God’s sake! No principles!”





    It is Madrid’s adherence to its blessed principles that has led us into today’s dangerous mess. It also explains what, to the Anglo-Saxon mind, seems to be the inexplicable refusal of Rajoy’s government to try to solve the problem through international mediation, or dialogue of any kind. “Principles” in the Catalan context means the Spanish constitution, which does not allow for a Catalan referendum on sovereignty. One might think that a constitution, being a necessarily fallible human document, would be open to change as circumstances change. Not on the Catalan question; not for Rajoy.


    Miguel de Unamuno, a celebrated Spanish writer of the last century, lamented what he saw as a national political spirit contaminated “by the barracks and the sacristy”. My sense has long been that the intransigent habit of thought exhibited by Spain’s political classes is the inheritance of 500 years of Catholic absolutism. Spanish Catholicism was to Christendom generally what Saudi Islam is to the Muslim world today: the most resistant to outside philosophical, political, cultural or scientific influence. I don’t think it is any accident that there is no translation in Spanish, or in Arabic, for the English word “compromise”. The concept of “I cede a little and you cede a little so we both end up winning” is alien to the Spanish political mind.


    It is why the Spanish empire lost Cuba in 1898 and before that California and the rest of what is now the western United States. It is the chief reason why, on the Catalan question, the centre-right Popular party government of Rajoy and the Madrid establishment have achieved the opposite of what they claim to want: instead of working to preserve the unity of Spain they alienate the Catalan people and fuel the drive for independence.




    Spanish prime minister Mariano Rajoy, King Felipe VI and Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in a rare moment of unity, observing a minute’s silence for victims of the August terrorist attacksMATTHIAS OESTERLE/ALAMY




    Put simply, they are third-rate politicians. Rule one for the intelligent resolution of a dispute like the Catalan one is to know your enemy: put yourself in their shoes, try to understand why they think the way they do and then try to persuade them to come around to your point of view, or at least to meet you halfway. The Struggle for Catalonia, a new book by the New York Times correspondent in Spain, Raphael Minder, ends on just this note. The peoples of Spain will not be reunited, Minder writes, so long as the political establishment in Madrid makes no effort to “understand the feelings expressed by hundreds of thousands on the streets of Barcelona”.


    Catalan nationalist feelings go back at least 300 years. On September 11, 1714, at the end of the Spanish war of succession, Barcelona fell after a long siege to the army of Felipe V, Spain’s first Bourbon king. His namesake might have trodden with a little more tact in his speech this week had he chosen to recall that this glorious defeat, the Catalan Dunkirk, today marks the date of Catalonia’s annual national holiday. It is a commemoration of the suicidal heroism of the city’s defenders but also a reminder of the oppression they suffered under Felipe V. An absolute ruler, he demolished a fifth of the city, closed the Catalan parliament and the universities and banned Catalan as an administrative language.


    An absolute ruler of more recent memory, Francisco Franco, fanned the flames of nationalist grievance by carrying out uncannily similar measures after he assumed absolute power in 1939 following the victory of his fascist forces in the Spanish civil war. Apart from the executions by firing squad of leading Catalan politicians and thousands more, he too suppressed the local language, the chief emblem of Catalan identity. Under Franco’s rule parents were not allowed to give their children Catalan names such as Jordi or Josep. The generalissimo chose to regard Catalan as a dialect, which was as insulting as it was wrong: Catalan is just as much a language in its own right as Spanish, French and Italian.




    The suppression of Catalan culture after 1939 under General Franco, which included banning Catalan Christian names, finds an echo today in the disdain of many Spaniards for the region and its peopleKEYSTONE/GETTY IMAGES




    A hangover of the Franco era that continues to stir the nationalist pot is the disdain for Catalan among other Spaniards. It is accompanied by a dislike for Catalans generally, whom many choose to regard as snooty and superior when the truth is, I think, that they are merely shy. But nationalism is a sentiment, a simmering resentment towards a neighbour perceived to be abusive. Nationalism is not a plan. Independence is. What we see today is how one has evolved into the other and on a scale never before seen. Many who were once merely heart-sore nationalists are now active campaigners for independence.


    The years 2006, 2010 and 2012 mark the progression. In 2006 the pro-independence vote stood at barely 15 per cent of the population. A decision taken that year gave hope that the number would drop: not only the Catalan parliament in Barcelona, but the national parliament in Madrid, voted in favour of a new statute defining Catalonia as a nation and granting it greater autonomy than it had enjoyed since the death of Franco in 1975. This included giving Catalonia a greater degree of judicial independence.


    Delays in the implementation of the statute gave time for a Spanish nationalist backlash. In 2010 Rajoy’s Popular Party, then in opposition, succumbed to the impulse that sparked the explosion of Catalan independentismo and has led to the present crisis: seeking votes in the rest of Spain, it campaigned against the Catalan statute and took it to the notoriously politicised constitutional court, where it was overruled. The law trumped politics, the precedent that continues to hinder a solution of the problem today.


    In 2012 what was then the centre-right Catalan government nevertheless tried to find an accommodation with Rajoy, who had become prime minister the year before. It sought talks to try to obtain fiscal concessions along the lines of those granted to the Basque country, whose government has a much greater authority over the collection and distribution of tax money. But Rajoy rebuffed them. Add the economic crisis and high unemployment to the outrage among ordinary Catalans at the scornful treatment they felt they had received and the upshot was the biggest protest anyone in Catalonia could remember. On the national holiday of September 11 a million people poured on to the streets of Barcelona.




    Protesters took to the streets of Barcelona after Madrid blocked the Catalan government’s referendum on independenceTIMES PHOTOGRAPHER JAMES GLOSSOP




    What they called for was a legally binding independence referendum and the clamour only grew after the British government agreed to precisely such a vote in Scotland in 2014. But Rajoy’s government would not budge. The law was the law. Pragmatism was for him an unintelligible Greek word. It was as if he took his cue from the advice Franco once gave a friendly newspaper editor: “Do as I do, don’t get involved in politics.”


    But the Catalans were doing plenty of politics and in 2015 a rag-tag pro-independence coalition led by Carles Puigdemont took power by a slender margin in the Catalan parliament. Whereupon the rhetoric from both sides became more angry and the political climate more hostile.


    Rajoy’s government and his supporters in the media have portrayed the mop-topped Puigdemont and his radical comrades as irresponsible and infantile but it has been hard to avoid the conclusion that, if so, the supposedly adult politicians in Madrid have descended to the same level. The education minister stoked the flames by stating the government’s intention to españolizar — Spanishify — Catalan children; the foreign minister did the same when he accused the Catalan government of “an uprising” and “a coup d’état”. Felipe González, a former socialist prime minister, trumped them both in an article in El País in which he compared the independence movement to “the German or Italian adventure” of the 1930s.


    Things could have been so different, so easily, starting with the Popular Party restraining the vindictive impulse that drove it to overrule the autonomy statute through the courts. Even if it had not, the massive street protests two years later provided another opportunity. Had Rajoy possessed an ounce of statesmanship, he could have gone to Barcelona, made a conciliatory speech and offered dialogue with the less militant, more pliable Catalan government that was then in power. Applause would have rung out around the hall and the Puigdemont radicals would probably have been done for.


    Had Rajoy an ounce of statesmanship, he could have gone to Barcelona in 2012, made a conciliatory speech and offered dialogue with the less militant Catalan government then in power


    The dangerous showdown today between Spanish fanatics and Catalan romantics would never have happened if, along with the change in mood music, the upshot of talks had been the granting of a binding referendum such as the one Scotland was given three years ago. Catalans say of themselves that two emotions vie in their hearts, seny and rauxa: common sense and raging passion. They are by ancient Mediterranean tradition a trading nation. When they are not angry, as they are now, they are the most practical people on earth. A proper referendum held a couple of years ago would have yielded in all likelihood a substantial “no” to independence from Spain and, as happened in Quebec, the subject would have been put to bed for a generation at least.


    Instead what we have is the cruel absurdity of the Madrid government acting towards the Catalans like a husband who hates his wife and mistreats her but refuses to let her contemplate leaving him, screaming “She’s mine!”.


    What happens now? Puigdemont has said he will make a unilateral declaration of independence but his delay in doing so indicates an entirely realistic fear of more violent reprisals from Madrid, hence his stated desire for EU mediation, so far refused. Such a declaration would signify scarcely more in substance than the outcome of the unilateral “referendum”: it would be more political theatre. Catalonia is not a small Pacific island, sufficient unto itself. It is part of Spain and part of the European Union. A hard, overnight Catexit is simply not possible. Puigdemont is playing a high-risk game.


    The Spanish government could see he is playing a game, if it chose to, and react proportionately: watch and wait a while and, acknowledging that the Catalan independence clamour has significant numbers behind it, accede to talks. The wife, in this scenario, could respond yet to some blandishments. Rajoy could do what he should have done five years ago and agree to a binding referendum. In the event of a victory for the “yes” vote, order — at least order of the type now found in Brexit Britain — would be restored. Madrid, having given its legal blessing to the referendum, would have to abide through gritted teeth by the result. In the event of a “no” victory, the problem would be solved.


    Fat chance, though, as things stand. More likely is that ominous royal defence of the “constitutional order” by “the legitimate state powers”. Luis de Guindos, the economy minister, showed just how inflexible the Spanish government remains when he said in a television interview on Thursday that Catalan independence was “out of the question” because it was, first, “illegal” and, second, “irrational”: “Catalonia has always been part of Spain”.


    A part of me still clings to the sliver of hope I felt before the king’s speech, that maybe the EU will intervene and knock sense into Spanish heads. But it is more likely that they will do so only after the cracking of more Catalan bones, by which time it may be too late. One death at the hands of the king’s police, one martyr for the Catalan cause, and anything could happen. Rajoy calls Puigdemont a traitor but if the conflict descends into widespread violence, and if Catalonia does eventually achieve independence, history may record that the bigger traitor was Rajoy.


    John Carlin writes for the Spanish newspaper El País

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  • 10/18/17--12:44: Wales [Flickr]
  • LuisRicardo posted a photo:

    Wales